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Gambling definition mariner finance

Postby Teran В» 05.02.2020

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After Democrats swept into control of the House of Representatives in the midterms, something unusual happened: almost no incoming freshmen sought a seat on the House Financial Services Committee. Yet the centrist Democrats saw more peril than promise in accepting Wall Street donations. This practically unprecedented situation created an opportunity for progressives who were unable to secure spots on other exclusive committees to jump onto Financial Services, like superstar congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

But overseeing the financial sector is anything but a consolation prize; as Occupy Wall Street taught us, the industry is right at the heart of why the economy no longer works for most Americans. After all, it was only a decade ago that inattention to financial maneuvering led the economy to the brink of implosion, as bankers took advantage of the opportunity to steal in the dark.

The results fell most harshly on the working poor and those struggling to improve their lot. Roughly 8. Most of these borrowers committed nothing more than an accident of timing, buying into a historic bubble and suffering tragic consequences.

The housing collapse robbed millions of families of home equity, the primary method of building wealth in the United States, particularly for families of color. For decades after the Depression, lenders redlined neighborhoods to keep families of color out, barred from an avenue to gathering wealth. When the Fair Housing Act of and the Community Reinvestment Act of attempted to right these wrongs and produce equitable access to the financial system for low- and moderate-income families, the industry cooked up other schemes, like subprime lending, to wipe them out.

And even after the recession, banks like Wells Fargo continue to use deceptive practices to nickel-and-dime low-income customers and put them in peril. Wall Street and predatory misconduct often go hand in hand. Like what you're reading? Chip in As a result, instead of transformative financial regulation, we got the Dodd-Frank Act, and while parts of it undoubtedly have merit such as the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a long-needed agency with its sole mission to protect people from financial rip-offs , for the most part it produced a complex series of technocratic tweaks, with final rules left up to banking regulators to write.

After its passage, the industry predictably sent a flotilla of lobbyists to weaken Dodd-Frank and lock in the status quo. Geithner, incidentally, is now running a private equity firm that owns a company called Mariner Finance, which profits off deceiving the working poor into high-interest loans. Plan beats no plan. For the emerging left, answers are available for how to rein in the financial sector; they just need to be given prominence.

At a time of climate devastation, migrant abuses, and soaring inequality, it may seem boring and arcane to focus attention on loans and securities.

What do we actually need a healthy financial system to do? This used to mean checks and credit cards, but today we have debit cards, electronic fund transfers, online bill pay, e-commerce solutions, and even mobile payments. Second, a good financial system matches those who want to lend money with those who want to borrow—whether individuals or businesses. But peer-to-peer online services directly matching borrowers and lenders have also flourished more recently.

Banks also manage investments for families and institutions. And finally, banks provide insurance—both simple insurance against loss of savings by putting them in a government-insured institution instead of under a mattress , and more sophisticated insurance of major assets like home or auto or family well-being, in the event of a sudden loss of the breadwinner. These functions are intended to enable investments in the real economy, so productive businesses can grow and entrepreneurship can thrive.

To a far greater degree, financial institutions today trade assets, package assets for trading, and repackage those packaged assets for more trading. Trading desks have swamped more traditional banking operations in terms of growth and profit. In short, we built a financial sector and created a trading monster.

As a result, Wall Street is several orders of magnitude larger than it should be. Incredible amounts of corporate profits are derived from accounting and tax strategies that have nothing to do with the core business. Dozens of retail, restaurant, and consumer product brands are pawns in a financial engineering contest waged by private equity firms.

A surprising chunk of activity on Amazon is effectively arbitrage trading, with upstarts securing assets they can buy low and sell high. Mergers and acquisitions, which soared to record highs in , can be seen as higher-level trading of entire corporations, with banks advising and taking cuts out of the deal.

Overfinancialization creates multiple problems for an economy. It stifles efforts to build a more inclusive economy, as access to financial markets determines fortunes. Nearly one-third of all national income in the United States is derived from financial maneuvers like stock equity, interest, dividends, and real estate. This income is generated from having money, and the financial sector facilitates this wealth built upon wealth.

No less than the radical socialists at the International Monetary Fund have demonstrated that a financial sector reaches a tipping point at a certain size, where its continued development can actually damage growth. The United States is currently on the wrong side of that line. Over the past decade banks have dumped branches and created financial deserts across the country.

A bloated banking sector supercharges inequality, with the earnings of those allowed inside the Wall Street casino far outpacing those of ordinary workers. Not only are lumbering banking behemoths too big to fail, granted implicit guarantees by the government that they will be rescued in the event of disaster; their sprawling operations are also too big to manage, highlighted by complexity and confusion that gives bad actors leeway—often deliberately so—to engage in misconduct.

From assisting money laundering and tax evasion to rigging interest and foreign exchange rates, banks have revealed themselves as unrepentant sinners who took taxpayer cash without strings and showed no interest in reforming their behaviors. The economic power held on Wall Street routinely converts into political power.

So how can we fix this? We ensure equitable access to those tools, stepping in with nationalized solutions if the private sector cannot accomplish this. One provision in the Dodd-Frank reform tried to do something about excessive trading. The so-called Volcker rule intended to prevent banks that take deposits from using that money to make high-risk trades; sometimes this is known as proprietary trading.

But the prohibition relies on whether regulators can differentiate proprietary trading from the carve-outs that bank lobbyists managed to force into the rule. And sharp bankers quickly learned how to characterize practically every trade in their portfolio as market making or hedging. Another exception enables banks to invest up to 3 percent of their capital in hedge funds and private equity firms, effectively laundering trading through another channel.

So plenty of trading has continued, and now the Trump administration has begun the process of degrading the Volcker rule even further, by exempting more types of funds and shifting the burden of proof for compliance to regulators instead of the banks. We already have many of the tools needed to transform the financial system. What we lack are regulators aggressive enough to use them.

Under Dodd-Frank, firms that cannot credibly explain to regulators how they would be dismantled and sold off in a crisis can be forced to downsize or even break up. The Financial Stability Oversight Council, a board composed of major regulators, also could declare that large firms must be busted up if they posed a systemic risk.

The Federal Reserve has already and can further increase capital requirements on the largest and riskiest firms in ways that could force them to pay for their own mistakes and induce them to downsize. The Justice Department can jail executives who break the law or otherwise punish miscreant banks to create a deterrent against criminal behavior.

But to eliminate the risks of excessive trading, regulators would need additional tools. First, we could structurally separate trading activities from traditional banking activities like taking deposits and making loans. This is often called the Glass-Steagall reform, after the New Deal—era rule splitting investment and commercial banks. This would reduce the interconnectedness that caused losses in housing securities to cascade throughout the financial system during the crisis.

It would also break up large supermarket banks that perform both commercial and investment banking activities, like JPMorgan Chase or Citigroup, and move them down the road of being small enough to fail without disrupting the economy. Such a rule would further establish that banks can receive government benefits like deposit insurance, discounted Federal Reserve lending, and expectations of future bailouts only if they engage in socially necessary activities.

A no-transfer rule would prevent any money inside a narrow commercial bank from leaking out into the capital markets.

If an investment bank wants to trade, it can do so on its own dime, with fully disclosed risks and a prescribed duty to investors. The concept of Glass-Steagall—style structural separation has been broadly accepted throughout developed economies.

The Vickers report in the United Kingdom reached the same conclusion. The radicals in this debate are protecting the deregulatory status quo; the rest of the world has already made up its mind. John Kay takes this even further by recommending specialized institutions for handling asset management, issuing securities, and advising corporations. He looks at the problem as an engineer would, and redesigns the plumbing to ensure that the water keeps flowing regardless of an isolated failure.

Depriving subsidies to trading institutions limits the amount of funds available to expand trading. That would return finance to its role as a facilitator of economic output, rather than the center of it. Derivatives originated as commodity hedges, so farmers would have some fallback in case their crops failed. Of course, there are other ways to compensate farmers for assuming risk. And noncommodity derivatives have poured money into financial markets for scant societal benefit.

During the financial crisis, collateralized debt obligations—derivatives based on the rise and fall of the housing market—exposed the entire system to the bubble collapse. Big banks and their regulators sometimes argue that derivatives are merely a risk-management tool. But as we saw in the crisis, when deployed in the real world, derivatives increase financial risk by widening the amount of exposure from any single disaster across investors and firms.

If they just amount to bets in a casino, close the casino. Overnight repurchases or money market accounts are considered as safe as money, but the crisis demonstrated that they are potentially unstable and prone to runs. If only chartered banks could issue short-term debt, and if they were separated from other parts of the financial system, those banks could be monitored for excessive lending, reducing the likelihood of a debilitating crisis.

It would simplify the market structure by limiting the channel through which overnight lending could flow. Plus, shadow banks would lose access to cheap capital. This raises a bigger question: why do hedge funds exist at all, and do we need them? Policy makers justified this by reckoning that sophisticated investors can handle the risks, while retail investors needed to be protected more stringently. The exemption expanded in the National Securities Markets Improvement Act of to include institutional investors like pension funds and university endowments; hedge fund assets subsequently increased twentyfold in twenty years.

This has perverted the entire point of the acts, which was to break up giant pools of capital used for rank speculation. Now hedge fund capital, and that of its close cousin the private equity fund, has shoved itself into practically every aspect of economic life, largely outside the purview of regulatory authorities. Most retail bankruptcies in the age of e-commerce can be attributed to companies owned by private equity funds, investment firms that load up companies with debt and extract profits.

Hedge funds have been at the forefront of scooping up the discounted debt of struggling sovereigns like Argentina or Greece or Puerto Rico and forcing a repayment payday. High-frequency trading is more and more a province of hedge funds. In effect, it would put these predatory actors out of business. Separating bank business lines by activities, and banning harmful products, changes the system we have from a complex, interconnected agglomeration, where a failure in one area can spill over everywhere, to a more independent and stable system.

Combining these ideas would reduce trading volumes and channel capital only toward necessary activity. But eliminating or segregating the nonessential aspects of banking is not sufficient to fix the system.

The Forest Fist Edition., time: 5:04:25
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